こういう話なワケです。（爆ｗ
原発事故関係費用の「国民負担」である。
菅内閣の基本姿勢は、枝野の公言どおり「東電負担」である。
これでは、利権が崩壊してしまう。
利権を死守するためには、「国民負担」にしたいのである。
これが、菅辞任を連日放言する根拠である。
で、なぜそんなに必死に東京電力を守りたいかですが・・・
満州派利権の重要な牙城の一つが｢東京電力｣だからなんですね。（ｗ
最後の砦は東北電力でしたね、原発のドンの一人、幕田圭一さん！（ｗ
まあ要するに、
満州派の土地である東北に、日本国民の血税を｢復興｣の名の下にできるだけ多くぶち込みたいわけです、満州派は。
そして東京電力のカネ、即ち満州派のカネじゃダメダメなわけです。（ｗ
更に・・・
なんですね・・・（爆ｗ
で、
書評 吉田祐二著『天皇財閥―皇室による経済支配の構造』 最大の財閥・天皇家の海外進出における「経営判断ミス」
2011年 5月 28日
評論・紹介・意見
浅川 修史
＜浅川 修史（あさかわ・しゅうし）：在野研究者＞
戦前の日本経済は財閥が支配していた。三井、三菱、住友、安田の４大財閥を中心に、古河、川崎、浅野、中島、日産、大倉、野村、日本窒素などの中小財閥があった。財閥は本社（持株会社）の下に傘下の企業がぶら下がる。財閥家族が本社の株式を保有して支配する。現在、旧財閥傘下にあった大企業はほとんどが上場しているが、戦前の財閥本社は株式を公開していなかった。財閥家族が支配するためである。戦後、財閥はGHQによって解体される。戦後、財閥は傘下の企業がそれぞれ株式を持ち合うグループに姿を変えた。財閥家族は株式を取り上げられ、没落する。財閥復活を防ぐために、戦後長く独占禁止法で禁止された持株会社が復活するのは、金融ビッグバンのさなか１９９７年のことである。現在ではなんとかホールディングス（HLD）を名乗る持株会社が数多く存在する。ただ、これらのホールディングスは戦前の財閥とは性格を異にする。
この本は、４大財閥をはるかに超える規模の財閥が存在した指摘する。それが天皇財閥である。戦前の天皇家が株式、国債、土地などの資産を持っていたことはよく知られているが、著者によれば、財閥解体時の資料を基に天皇財閥は４大財閥の１０倍程度の規模があったという。
戦前の天皇は国家元首で統治者、軍隊の最高司令者であったが、同時に日本最大、世界でも有数の資産家であったと著者は指摘する。筆者は現在のサウジアラビアのサウド王家に似ていると思う。
天皇財閥の構造は次のようなものだ。天皇家が財閥家族に相当する。持株会社はないが、本社に相当するのが職員６０００名を数えた宮内省である。天皇家が保有していた株式は、日本銀行、横浜正金銀行、朝鮮銀行、台湾銀行、南満州鉄道、日本郵船、東京電燈、帝国ホテルなど。天皇家は日本最大の金融王であり、地主でもあった。
江戸時代に公家の取り分を入れても１０万石に押し込められていた天皇家が、日本最大の資産家になったのは明治維新以後のことである。国から与えられる収入を株式や国債に投資することで天皇家は資産を増やす。日本が強国になるのに比例して、天皇家の資産も増える。
天皇財閥は日本が版図を台湾、朝鮮、満州に広げる中、海外展開も積極的に進める。朝鮮銀行は日本統治下の朝鮮の中央銀行である。中国、満州にも進出する。朝鮮で事業を経営する東洋拓殖株式会社の株式も天皇家が保有する。
中華民国との戦争で日本は大陸に軍隊を送り込むが、そのとき軍事物質の調達に使用されたのが朝鮮銀行券である。日本銀行券でなかったことが注目される。
日本には朝鮮銀行を使うことで、戦争の進展に伴うインフレ（通貨の減価）が日本銀行券に波及するリスクを遮断する狙いがあった。
１９３０年代以降、日本は大陸進出を拡大する。満州、華北、さらに上海へ軍隊を進める。ところが、この路線が大陸に利権を持つ英米と衝突する。英米のトラの尾を踏んだことで、日本と英米が戦争に突入する。そして敗戦。天皇財閥もGHQによって解体された。
著者はこの歴史の流れから、天皇財閥の海外進出における「判断ミス」を指摘する。
天皇財閥を筆頭にする財閥解体によって、日本は法人資本主義の時代に入る。オーナー（家族）のいない資本主義である。
ところで、莫大な財産を没収された天皇家だが、昭和天皇の遺産が２０億円と報道されたように一定の財産を保有している。最近では東京電力の株価下落によって天皇家も損失を被ったと一部でささやかれている。戦後になっても昭和天皇が株式にご関心を持ち、投資関係の情報にご興味があったという「風説」がしばしば聞かれる。この本でも昭和天皇がソニーにご関心を持っていたことが、他の本からの引用という形で指摘されている。
「昭和天皇はソニーに興味をお持ちくださって、葉山の御用邸に行かれるとき、うちの工場（注 ソニーのこと）がだんだん大きくなるのを見ていらっしゃって、＜田島の会社（ソニー）はまた大きくなったね＞って、いつでもお話になったそうです」
天皇財閥の総帥だった名残なのか。
天皇家が大財閥だったこと、敗戦が「経営判断ミス」だったこと、戦前から米国のロックフェラー家と親交があったこと、など興味深い指摘が多い。ただ、天皇財閥が戦争とどう関わったか、という分析は弱い。戦争へと主導したのが、軍部なのか、官僚なのか、それとも天皇だったのか。著者の分析はぼやけている。もっと深い分析が欲しいところだ。
〈記事出典コード〉サイトちきゅう座 http://www.chikyuza.net/
〔opinion0481 :110528〕
http://chikyuza.net/n/archives/10136
｢壊し屋｣カンチョクト、
満州派利権をぶっ壊せ！（爆ｗ
17 件のコメント:
現実的には、この件の首領までは
刃が到達しないで終わるんじゃないかな。
こういう時のために、明智さんを
養成しているんだろうしw
朝鮮銀行て云うと旧日債銀かな。
東電に公的資金を投入するとしたら日債銀の3兆ナンボ程度じゃ済まないだろうな。
20兆円位だとかの試算があるんだっけ。
それにしてもネトウヨ君達の洗脳されっぷりは凄まじい限りで。
毎日新聞には珍しくほぼ正鵠を得た論説なのだが、菅直人降ろしに躍起な保守モドキ産経新聞の悪影響もチラホラ見え隠れする。
以前から変態毎日新聞は欧米系傘下じゃないかと思ってたのだが、意外に日本で唯一まともな新聞社へと豹変する可能性も出て来たと思う。
このエントリーでますます天皇家の出自やら何やかやと、当分の間は結論に至らないであろう疑心が・・・・w
管に壊させるのは体制でなく
利権か。
＞原発事故関係費用の「国民負担」である。
菅内閣の基本姿勢は、枝野の公言どおり「東電負担」である。
戦前の満州半島投資の時と似た構図になってんですね
今回も統制派と皇道派のマッチポンプでファッショ路線に逝くのか
はたまた在日を餌にドイツみたいにするのかなんでしょうが
＞天皇の出自 ＞首領までは刃が到達しない
戦後、○○制度の存続にまで話が及ぶと
鳩さんの狙い通りなるんですけどねw
今回で、ええじゃないかとなりそうでw
直球ド真ん中w
神は「外」にいると思い込んで
粘土で似姿を作ったり
悪いのは「上」だと思い込んで
天に唾してみたり
馬鹿なのは「政治家」だと思い込んで
誤誘導に引っ掛かったり
「神」を作ったのは誰か？
「似姿」を作るのは誰の手か？
誰も正しい答えを言わないから
スフィンクスはいつまでも人を食い続けなければならない
・・・っていう、とある国のｶﾜｲｿな寓話ｗ
> ソニー
つい最近、ブルーレイで「恩賜発明賞」も取ってましたよね、確か。
あと、2chまとめブログ（ゲハブログ）辺りもか。
でも、プレステはないと困るんだよなぁ（苦笑）
US Financial Siege of Japan Before Pearl Harbor
http://www.loc.gov/today/cyberlc/feature_wdesc.php?rec=4236
http://www.loc.gov/today/cyberlc/transcripts/2008/080115hss1200.txt
横浜正金銀行についての言及があります。
"横浜正金銀行" site:ja.wikipedia.org/
"Yokohama Specie Bank" site:en wikipedia.org/
+*+*"Yokohama Specie Bank"+*+*
Opium の香水をプンプンさせちゃ、下品です。
華麗なる人脈と金脈と
HSBC や Yokohama Specie Bank なども出てきまして、おもしろいです。
The Dark World's Fire: Tom and Lena Edgar in War
http://brianedgar.wordpress.com/
Wartime Red Cross donation secretly made in ’49
KYODO
AUG 17, 2001
http://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2001/08/17/national/wartime-red-cross-donation-secretly-made-in-49/
GENEVA – Japan offered to donate 10 million Swiss francs under the name of the late Empress Kojun to the Geneva-based International Committee of the Red Cross during the last days of World War II and the money was secretly transferred in 1949 after a fierce battle over the fund, according to documents at the Swiss Archive Office and the ICRC archives.
The documents show that the United States and Britain claimed the fund was originally theirs, intended to assist their prisoners held by the Imperial Japanese Army, while Switzerland and the ICRC insisted the donation was valid and should be transferred to the ICRC.
Empress Kojun, who died last year at the age of 97, was the wife of the late Emperor Showa.
Japan’s donation pledge for Sfr10 million in early August 1945 was earlier confirmed by official British documents. The new documents reveal the twists and turns of fighting among the three governments and the international organization, and how the unusually big donation was eventually made without Japan — the donor — being fully informed.
In the end, the money was made available from a “special account” that Yokohama Specie Bank held at the Swiss National Bank. The account was dubbed Japan’s secret account during the war.
Based on present-day exchange rates, Sfr10 million would convert to about 700 million yen. Ignoring exchange-rate fluctuations and simply comparing the purchasing power of Swiss francs then and now, it would convert to about 3.3 billion yen.
According to about 50 documents related to the donation dispute, on Aug. 7, 1945, then Foreign Minister Shigenori Togo conveyed Japan’s decision to donate Sfr10 million to the ICRC representative in Japan.
The Red Cross representative expressed an intent to accept the donation to the Foreign Ministry two days later, according to the documents. However, due to technical difficulties, the message explaining Japan’s pledge did not reach the ICRC headquarters until Aug. 17.
The war ended Aug. 15, and on the following day the Swiss government froze Japan’s assets in Switzerland based on agreements with the U.S. and Britain.
Whether the donation was offered before or after the asset freeze formed the basis of the dispute.
Following the freeze, the U.S. and Britain clashed with the Swiss government and the ICRC over the money. Washington and London claimed the donation supposed to be paid out from the special account was originally money they transmitted to Japan for the purpose of improving the treatment of U.S. and British POWs.
The dispute was referred to the Far Eastern Commission and the General Headquarters of the Allied Forces in June 1946. The FEC in October 1946 decided to ban the transmission, saying the ICRC’s claim had no basis.
The issue seemed to have been settled, but the ICRC then hired a group of American lawyers, one of whom was formerly a legal expert at the U.S. State Department.
In March 1949, conceding to the arguments made by the lawyers, the State Department agreed to the transmission, saying it was up to the Swiss authorities to decide on the matter based on Swiss laws.
Britain also withdrew its claim to the money in May 1949.
According to the nonpublic history book of Yokohama Specie Bank, which later changed its name to Bank of Tokyo, the transmission was made in late May 1949.
Switzerland lifted the freeze on Yokohama Specie Bank’s funds and conducted the transmission. But taking into account Britain’s claim that the money was originally theirs, the ICRC kept the process “confidential” and did not report details of the process even to Japan.
Japan’s true reason for making the donation shortly before the end of the war remains unclear.
One possible motive is guessed at in a May 6, 1949, letter from the British deputy foreign minister.
In the letter, the deputy minister said it was clear the donation, pledged on the eve of Japan’s defeat, was aimed at creating a favorable impression internationally to counter Japan’s reputation for inhumane treatment of POWs during the war.
Given that the donation was paid out of Japan’s secret account at Yokohama Specie Bank, it can also be seen that Japan, fearing the Allied Forces confiscating Japan’s assets overseas, tried to evacuate the money from seizure.
During the war, the U.S. and Britain sent funds to Yokohama Specie Bank’s special account through the Swiss government and the ICRC for the purpose of improving the treatment of their countries’ POWs held by the Imperial Army.
Both the U.S. and Britain claim that Japan effectively stole the funds by manipulating exchange rates, and there are allegations that Japan tried to evacuate the special account to a third country or an international institution.
"W. Foot Mitchell of Samuel Samuel & Co. Thanked me for assistance in securing the opium monopoly in Formosa"
The officials up here are all right, but the local men try to ignore them and do all the business thro' Mitsui. As to the opium in S. Formosa held by British merchants, he had been told by Dr. Goto [Shinpei of the Department of Sanitation, Ministry of the Interior] that a word from me to Okuma privately would suffice. Japanese government bonds: they had sold some through the Yokohama specie bank, and other thro7 Yokohama foreign banks, but it is a speculative investment, and the market for such things is saturated: perhaps ￡150,000 is true. They have been trying to negotiate with Rothschild's thro' S.S.[Samuel Samuel] & Co. and he has had an interview with Iwasaki [Yanosuke], whom he told it was useless to think of placing any large amount of silver bonds on the London market. They will probably have to borrow, and could easily get any amount at 5%. In fact during the [Sino-Japanese] war there were two groups who had authorized S.S. & Co. to offer, but at that time the Japanese were not willing. They are getting hard up, and unless a foreign loan is raised, trade will be paralysed.
The Diaries of Sir Ernest Satow, British Minister in Tokyo (1895-1900)
＞"but the local men try to ignore them and do all the business thro' Mitsui. As to the opium in S. Formosa held by British merchants,"
東電、政府に追加支援要請へ＝賠償、廃炉費想定上回る：時事ドットコム
http://www.jiji.com/jc/article?k=2016072800901&g=eqa
東京電力ホールディングスが、福島第１原発事故の被災者への賠償や、除染、廃炉費用が当初の想定を上回るなどとして、政府に追加の資金支援を要請する方針であることが２８日、明らかになった。同日発表した東電の経営改革方針は賠償負担の在り方や廃炉の推進支援などに関し、政府が考え方を明確化する必要性を明記。数土文夫会長は記者会見で「事業環境整備を政府にお願いする」と述べた。
一方、政府は、東電への安易な支援には批判が出る恐れもあり、今後慎重に判断する考えだ。
政府は２０１４年１月に認定した東電の新総合特別事業計画（再建計画）で、賠償費用を５．４兆円、除染費用を２．５兆円と想定。原資として国の融資枠を９兆円に設定している。
これに対し、東電の改革方針は、賠償額が既に６兆円台に達し、除染費用も想定を上回る懸念が高まりつつあると指摘。さらに、福島第１原発の廃炉作業が本格化すれば、多額の費用負担が生じる懸念も盛り込んだ。（2016/07/28-21:23）
東電 廃炉などの費用ふくらむ 国に支援求める方針 | NHKニュース
http://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/html/20160729/k10010612911000.html
7月29日 4時55分
東京電力は福島第一原子力発電所の廃炉や汚染水対策などで次々と課題が持ちあがり、かかる費用が想定を大きく超えてふくらむとして、今後、国にも支援を求めていく方針を明らかにしました。
福島第一原発の事故で東京電力は、被災者への賠償と除染で７兆７０００億円余りの負担が生じると見込んでいるほか、廃炉の費用として１０年間で２兆円を自力で確保することにしています。しかし、賠償や除染の費用はこの先さらに増える可能性があります。
また、汚染水対策ではカギとなる凍土壁で、一部の場所で温度が下がらないなど問題が出ているほか、廃炉作業では溶け落ちた核燃料を取り出す技術が確立されていないといった課題があり、政府関係者の間では廃炉全体の費用は最終的に１０兆円を大きく超えるのではないかといった見方もあります。
このため東京電力は今後、国に対して「原子力損害賠償・廃炉等支援機構」による賠償や除染費用の支援を追加で求めるほか、廃炉費用についても新たな支援を要請する方針です。
これについて東京電力の數土文夫会長は２８日の記者会見で、「未踏領域の廃炉対応などで経営に多大なインパクトを与える。政府と連携して具体策を進めていきたい」と述べました。
…
But in a move which even the Nazis did not have the nerve to do, the Japanese government cut off all communication between the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in Geneva and its workers in Asia. So the Swiss -- and the Allies -- did not know until the end of the war how few relief supplies (including Red Cross boxes) actually reached the prisoners, or even where the Swiss workers were. And we are not talking about pocket change here: with monthly deposits faithfully continuing by America, British and Dutch treasuries into this most secret account at the Swiss Bank, the fund eventually grew by war¹s end to 98 million Swiss francs. The United States contributed over $6.2 million, worth about $55 million today. And the U.S. Treasury never saw its money again.
Meanwhile, The Japanese government made free use for its own purposes of the interest generated in its bank by the accumulation of these funds. And it spent a considerable sum of the relief money to order cannons for its naval ships from a foundry in Switzerland. The war ended before that order could be filled, but the diverting of funds by the Japanese and the willingness of the Swiss to fill the order to was nevertheless in place.
One of the most intriguing aspects of this subterfuge is that even Japan¹s Foreign Minister Mamoru Shigemitsu apparently was unaware that his own government had already instructed the Yokohama Bank to bottle up this relief money. On November 13, 1944, U.S. intelligence cryptologists intercepted a secret message from Shigemitsu to his attaché in Saigon, who was inquiring about the existence of this relief fund. In a two-page message, Shigemitsu described the arrangement of the fund in great detail, ending by instructing: ³The details of this agreement are secret from all but the officials concerned and care is to be taken that they do not leak out. Care should also be taken that the working of this agreement is not hampered by delays in paying.
When the war ended, this vast sum of un-spent relief money was discovered. The Japanese government apparently got off with a slap on the wrist for this breach of agreement, allowing the continuing suffering and death of thousands of prisoners and civilians in Japanese captivity. As the assets of the Yokohama Specie Bank were liquidated, two million Swiss francs of the relief money was unaccounted for. Under the terms of the 1951 Treaty of Peace with Japan, the remainder of the funds were to be turned over to the International Committee of the Red Cross for disbursement to those Allied countries whose nationals had suffered as prisoners of the Japanese, for the postwar comfort of those prisoners. The British government retrieved most of its investment, but apparently placed its recovered funds in its general treasury.
The ICRC recommended that only military prisoners should receive proceeds of the disbursement, since civilians did not have verifiable identification numbers. Distribution of the funds was delayed for several years, because the ICRC asked each of the involved Allied nations to provide figures of how many of their nationals were POWs. The government of India could not come up with an accurate figure; finally the ICRC asked India for a general estimate, so that disbursement could at last take place in 1958, distributing the remainder of the relief fund on a proportional basis.
Among Allied countries whose nationals had suffered in Japanese captivity, only the United States declined to take its share of this disbursement. Perhaps this was because under the War Claims Acts of 1948 and 1952, American ex-prisoners of the Japanese were allotted $1.00 per day for "missed meals" while in captivity, and later $1.50 per day for "pain and suffering and forced labor." Other nations had apparently not made similar allocations in the postwar years.
When the National Security Agency declassified the first batch of some 300 intercepted Japanese diplomatic and military wartime messages in late 1996, Shigemitsu's November 1944 message caught my eye, because it confirmed rumors I had been hearing about the existence of a secret Allied wartime relief fund for Pacific captives. I wrote to the presidents of both the Swiss National Bank and the Bank of Tokyo-Mitsubishi (successor to the Yokohama Specie Bank), asking what became of the money. I received a detailed reply from the Swiss bank, and later from the Tokyo bank, giving a full accounting of the amount each nation had contributed to the fund, and the eventual disbursement by the ICRC. When my findings were published by the Associated Press and my own article in The Australian, British and Dutch ex-POWs were especially furious, because their governments had not distributed proceeds to them as provided for in the 1951 treaty. The result was that the British, Dutch, Australian, Canadian, New Zealand, Norway, Singapore and even the Isle of Man governments paid a belated ex gratia , tax-free sum to each surviving Pacific ex-POW of between $20,000 and $24,000 . Only the United States government has not done so, but not for lack of trying. Bills have passed in Congress in 2003 and again in 2006, only to be deleted from appropriations budgets at the request of the White House.
And what of the Japanese government and its corporations, which denied Swiss relief workers access to POW camps; refused to distribute Red Cross parcels delivered to its camps; blocked off relief funds contributed by Allied nations through the Swiss, violating a signed agreement; and failed to pay its white prisoners for their labor, as ordered by its own Diet? No offer of compensation, no apology, no acknowledgement of its egregious wartime behavior. Some ally!
__________________________________________
Linda Goetz Holmes, a Pacific war historian, is a member of the Historical Advisory Panel to the Nazi war Crimes and Japanese Imperial Government Records Interagency Working Group (IWG).
A detailed account and accompanying documents of this secret wartime relief fund is contained in chapter 11 of her book Unjust Enrichment (Stackpole Books, 2001).
Ms. Holmes' photo: courtesy of Ms. Mary Ellen McGayhey
www.us-japandialogueonpows.org/Holmes.htm
www.us-japandialogueonpows.org/Holmes-J.htm
1945 August Archive | The Philippine Diary Project
philippinediaryproject.com/1945/08/
The Japanese government then established the Southern Development Bank. They did not use the two Japanese banks, the Yokohama Specie Bank and the Taiwan Bank, except that the Taiwan Bank was used to liquidate the American and other foreign banks. As a matter of fact, the Southern Development Bank was not a bank but acted as a branch here of the Japanese Government Treasury.
"THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR" "Yokohama Specie Bank"
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