2013年7月31日水曜日

多くの日本人を無駄死にさせた日本の仏教利権屋どもの戦争責任が追求されてない件

ローマ法王にケツ持ってもらったからでしょうけど。(爆w

そもそも真面目に厳しい修行する坊主なんてもんは昔から早死にってのが定番なわけで、のうのうと生き残ってる坊主なんてもんはみんなずるして肉食ったり修行さぼりまくりでダメダメな連中ばっかなわけで、仏教が腐ってるってのは当然なわけですよ。(爆w

で、そんな連中に大金払って葬式とかでお経読んでもらった所で無駄無駄無駄としか言いようが無い。(爆w

たとえば・・・



→曹洞宗










サルベージしときました!(爆w



Zen at War
by Brian Victoria
Weatherhill, 1997. 228 pages.

Reviewed by David Loy

The wartime complicity of Zen institutions is hardly news to scholars of Japanese religion, but this is the first study in English to present detailed evidence and address the important issues at length. A few years ago Rude Awakenings (ed. Heisig and Maraldo) provided a potpourri of essays on Kyoto School nationalism which offered contradictory opinions of its founding fathers impossible for a nonspecialist to adjudicate. Zen at War is a more accessible overview that focuses primarily on institutional Buddhism, especially Zen, from 1868 to the present day. During this period the relationships between Zen Buddhism and the state's military aggression were in their "most exaggerated form", but Victoria claims that makes it all the better a test of Zen's social ethics. It is a test that Japanese Zen failed, and arguably continues to fail, for the issue of wartime responsibility is still largely ignored. Since many western Zen teachers today were themselves students of figures discussed in this book, it has come as a shock to many Zen communities outside Japan. As Victoria admits at the end, it raises many more questions than it answers; those questions can no longer be overlooked.

The book is in three parts. The first looks at the effects of the Meiji restoration on Buddhism's relationship to the state. After a lethargic decline during the Tokugawa era, the Meiji period was a wake-up call because state Shinto, constructed as a national cult of morality and patriotism, suddenly provided a challenge to Buddhism's survival. Buddhist institutions responded with "New Buddhism", designed to show that Buddhism too could make valuable contributions to social and economic development, could promote loyalty to the throne, and was compatible with Western technology. It was the beginning of a slippery slope. During the early colonial period there was virtually no peace movement among Buddhists, while no lack of Buddhist leaders justified such aggression as Japan's duty to "awaken" Korean and Chinese Buddhists from their indifference to war, a passivity due to the "pessimistic nature" of their inferior Buddhism which preferred filial piety to loyalty. Here as elsewhere, Victoria does not address the fact that most religious institutions in the West were hardly more enlightened during this period of colonial subjugation, which still inflicted horrific suffering on the native populations of Africa and Asia. Perhaps we should not be outraged that Japan, having been forcefully opened by the West, imported not only its technology but its social Darwinist imperialism.

Victoria quotes extensively from D. T. Suzuki and his teacher Shaku Soen, a university-educated roshi who portrayed Buddhism as a "universal religion" at the World Parliament yet actively supported the Russo-Japanese War (1904-5), justifying it with the usual rationalizations: "War is not necessarily horrible, provided that it is fought for a just and honorable cause, that it is fought for the upholding of humanity and civilization. Many material human bodies may be destroyed, many humane hearts be broken, but from a broader point of view these sacrifices are so many phoenixes consumed in the sacred fire of spirituality..." When Tolstoy wrote asking him to cooperate in appealing for peace, Soen refused and visited the war front to encourage the troops, declaring that "In the present hostilities, into which Japan has entered with great reluctance, she pursues no egoistic purpose, but seeks the subjugation of evils hostile to civilization, peace, and enlightenment" (27-8).

That identification of nationalist with religious goals was echoed by countless other Zen priests. The most noteworthy protest against this was by Uchiyama Gudo (1874-1911), a radical Soto priest who taught that karma should not be used to justify social inequality. He was arrested for printing anti-government tracts and eventually executed for an alleged plot to assassinate members of the imperial family. The Soto, Rinzai and Shin authorities all apologized for his appalling crime and he was deprived of his abbotship and then his status as a Zen priest. In 1993 the new Soto Bureau for the Protection and Advocacy of Human Rights posthumously restored his status, but "through the end of the Pacific War no major Buddhist or Christian leader ever again spoke out in any organized way against government policies, either civilian or military, domestic or foreign" (54).

Part two examines the relationship with Japanese militarism. By 1930 institutional Buddhism was firmly committed to providing ideological support for all military efforts wherever they might occur. There are a few isolated records of individual resistance, yet they had no effect on the war effort. Victoria wonders what might have happened if even a few hundred priests had spoken out against the war, because Buddhism "was indeed one, if not the only, organization capable of offering effective resistance to state policy" (Ketelaar). But we will never know, because large-scale protest never occurred.

Buddhist scholars increasingly identified Buddhism with the emperor, promoting Kodo Bukkyo, Imperial Way Buddhism, and Kokoku Zen, Imperial State Zen. They argued that Japan is the most Buddhist country in Asia, for only in Japan did Buddhism attain complete maturity; in 1937 Furukawa Taigo claimed that Japan was the only Buddhist country. Suzuki's main statement on Zen and bushido was in his 1937 book Zen Buddhism and its Influence on Japanese Culture (English trans., 1959) which emphasized the iron will of Zen that could be "wedded to anarchism or fascism, comunism or democracy, atheism or idealism or any political or economic dogmatism" (110).

The Zen military ideal became personified in the legend of Lieutenant Colonel Sugimoto Goro (1900-37), an ardent Zen practitioner who died in combat -- standing up -- in northern China. The essays in his posthumously published book Taigi "Great Duty" contrasted the nonexistence of the self with the absolute nature of the emperor. The emperor does not exist for the state, but the state exists for the emperor, who "is the highest, supreme value for all eternity" (117). One might dismiss him as a benighted ultranationalist, but major Zen masters supported him and his views, including his own teacher Yamazaki Ekiju, head of the Rinzai sect by the end of the war, who praised his practice and compared him to Bodhidharma.

Particularly uncomfortable for me was the conduct of Harada Daiun Sogaku, well-known in the West due to Kapleau's influential The Three Pillars of Zen, and my own Dharma great-grandfather. In 1934 he recommended implementing fascist politics while criticizing education for making people shallow and "cosmopolitan minded". In 1939 he described the oneness of Zen and war: "[If ordered to] march: tramp tramp, or shoot: bang, bang. This is the manifestation of the highest Wisdom [of Enlightenment]. The unity of Zen and war of which I speak extends to the farthest reaches of the holy war [now under way]" (137).

Part three looks at postwar trends. D. T. Suzuki receives much attention in blaming Shinto for providing the "conceptual background" to Japanese militarism. Victoria also accuses him of offering different explanations of the war to Japanese ("a great sacrifice to awaken the peoples of Asia") and to Westerners ("a ridiculous war completely without justification"). "Nowhere in Suzuki's writings does one find the least regret, let alone an apology, for Japan's earlier colonial efforts in such places as China, Korea, or Taiwan." (150-1). Only four declarations addressing war complicity have been made by the traditional Buddhist sects, none of them before 1987; to date, no branch of Rinzai-shu has formally considered this issue. Victoria touches on the inadequate responses made by Zen figures who became influential in the West, including Yamada Mumon, Asahina Sogen, Hakuun Yasutani, Hirata Seiko and especially Omori Sogen, who enjoyed the patronage of the ultranationalist Toyama family. On the other side, he praises the efforts of Zen scholars Yanagida Seizan, Hakamaya Noriaki, Matsumoto Shiro, and especially Ichikawa Hakugen (1902-86) who published a series of influential books examining the role of Buddhism in the wartime era. Today, military Zen has been resuscitated as "corporate Zen", which uses Zen practice as part of corporate training programs, because schools no longer emphasize the old virtues of obedience and conformity.

Zen at War does not attempt to present a balanced view of Zen during the period in question, and that is one of its strengths: it is a passionate book because it addresses ethical issues that deserve more than a dispassionate evaluation -- at least for Zen students like myself. Now we need to begin considering the various implications of this complicity. For example: if Buddhist awakening truly overcomes our delusions, why didn't it do a better job of inoculating against ultranationalist propaganda? From its beginnings in the Kamakura period, Zen was compromised by its samurai patronage, but the roots of the problem go all the way back to the emperor Kimmei (539-71), who allowed Buddhism into Japan because he recognized that "it would be of service to him" (132). Buddhism never subsequently escaped state control, and however transcendental Buddhist liberation may have been in other cultures (a controversial point), it was kept very down to earth in Japan, which accepted desires as natural and used egolessness to promote social integration and deference to authority. We need to reflect further on how compatible Japanese Buddhism is with its Indian origins.

David R. Loy
Professor
Faculty of International Studies
Bunkyo University
1100 Namegaya
Chigasaki 253
Japan
http://www.bpf.org/tsangha/loy-victoria.html

ごく少数の稀な例外の貧乏坊主を除き、世界中の坊主ってのはオウムサマナレベルの糞だと思っとけば宜しい。(爆wwwwww


11 件のコメント:

匿名 さんのコメント...

先日家族が亡くなって葬式をやったのですが、本当に坊主ってのはロクなのがいないということを痛感しました。

匿名 さんのコメント...

戦わない戦争屋だね(棒

匿名 さんのコメント...

坊主を信じる年寄りも。

智慧どころか知識すらない年寄りが、
ここぞとばかりに偉そうな顔をするw

常識的と思われる作法に従えば、
なぜかローカルルールを持ち出して
ご指導を始める田舎の年寄りwww

匿名 さんのコメント...

「(もし命令されたのなら)進め進め、撃て撃て」

ガンダムの歌詞にそんなのがあったような

ミネ さんのコメント...

オラに生まれて初めてステーキを食わせたのは寺の住職w我が家の自慢メニューとかで
スーパーも精肉店もあるのにデパートで買ったもの
ステーキ肉の中でこれが一番ウマイと披露されたんだけど
ウチは焼いたのは炭火のしか食べてないのもあってかステーキ=不味いモノ認識となって
厚切は暫く敬遠するキッカケになったなぁ

早世した父の遺族を不憫に思ってだったのか
そんなのは檀家にゴロゴロいるから
単にカワイイ元気なオコサマで構いたさで世話焼いてくれてたのか
ステーキの件さえなければ気さくないいお寺さんと評判通りでザッツオールだったのに

さて、唐の僧が渡来した時には飛鳥鍋とかあったのに肉禁になったのはなんでなんでしょね
カトチャンぺ

匿名 さんのコメント...

ミンス時代に不自然に高いポジションに就いた、、それ以来K沢大>K沢と続いてて、、不可思議な人脈何でと思っていましたがそういうことか~。

匿名 さんのコメント...

バラしちゃいますw
インナーサークルと自慢気に話されてたのはそこのボーズですw
内緒ですよwww

匿名 さんのコメント...

>especially Omori Sogen, who enjoyed the patronage of the ultranationalist Toyama family.
頭山の仲間を援助していた大森曹玄@天竜寺

その大森曹玄を援助した小林順一郎
 1945年 http://d.hatena.ne.jp/josaiya/20120901/1346505755
 八月十五日  ”・小林 大森に何千円かを渡し”

>ja.wikipedia.org/wiki/小林順一郎 ‎@新潟県長岡市殿町(1880年1月3日 - 1963年11月20日)
 blog.canpan.info/sasakawa/archive/2763
 ”小林さんはM.T.Mというフランス貿易会社の社長でありました。ずい分長いこと武官としてフランスに居られた”
 
 日仏提携が目的 仏国の対満投資調査 東京日日新聞 1933.9.9(昭和8)
 http://www.lib.kobe-u.ac.jp/das/jsp/ja/ContentViewM.jsp?METAID=00801092&TYPE=IMAGE_FILE&POS=1
 仏国における電工業界の重鎮バテイニヨール社を初め指導興業各財団を代表せるアンドレー・ドリヴィエ氏は去月二十二日在京エム・テイ・エム理事長小林順一 郎氏と相携えて渡満し目下新京で仏国の満洲投資について実地調査中

>仏国の対満投資調査
前年1932年のこの辺り?かと
【books.google】Myopic Grandeur:The Ambivalence of French Foreign Policy Toward the Far East, 1919-1945  P71
1932年7月8日@東京 小磯国明陸軍次官とマルテル仏大使の会談
1932年7月9日@ジュネーブ 小林順一郎as軍事顧問とマシーグリー(René Massigli)仏大使と会談 
 (ちなみに” Massigli Kobayashi ”、会談内容に関して双方の主張に齟齬)
> Myopic Grandeur P73
  http://books.google.co.jp/books?id=qovQzYYDv08C&pg=PA73&lpg=PA73&dq=Massigli+%E3%80%80Kobayashi&source=bl&ots=Zv2UY292Tq&sig=vt7Ocf3LGLfzLVixClHYrqak5vI&hl=ja&sa=X&ei=0OAFUs3LB8P9lAXT6oHwDw&ved=0CC4Q6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=Massigli%20%E3%80%80Kobayashi&f=false
 > Nomonhan: Japan Against Russia, 1939 - 第 1~2 巻 - 51 ページ
http://books.google.co.jp/books?id=SIAwKiNRmrAC&pg=PA51&lpg=PA51&dq=Massigli+%E3%80%80Kobayashi&source=bl&ots=uMiyOvKHmw&sig=X5tmxUHvmRJQ82Bx15J4ywYOnfQ&hl=ja&sa=X&ei=0OAFUs3LB8P9lAXT6oHwDw&ved=0CCkQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=Massigli%20%E3%80%80Kobayashi&f=false

余談ですが 
ja.wikipedia.org/wiki/新潟県立長岡高等学校 卒業生がスゴイ件

匿名 さんのコメント...

>1932年7月9日@ジュネーブ
スイス
ローザンヌ会議
会議は、ローザンヌで1932年6月16日から7月9日まで行われた。

匿名 さんのコメント...

頭の中が空っぽになるほどの極度の疲労や意味の追求が虚しくなることへの没入を修行と呼ぶ自由もあれば、加持祈祷で病気が治ると信じる自由もあるのかもしれないが、幼い子の命が無残な形で奪われ、一方で学識も見識も高いとされる人に遠慮して精神保健福祉法が行使されるべき機会を失うのだとしたら、法律って誰を守るの、特定の有力者なの?

佐賀、和歌山、次はあなた県かもしれないのよ。

匿名 さんのコメント...

> The unity of Zen and war of which I speak extends to the farthest reaches of the holy war [now under way]"

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